MAFIA ORGANIZATIONS :
Catino, Maurizio.
MAFIA ORGANIZATIONS : The Visible hand of Criminal Enterprise - 1 - New York Cambridge University Press 2019/01/01 - 346
Mafia Organizations extends Catino’s excellent earlier work on conflict, violence, and codes of conduct in mafia organizations. Although much has been written about mafias, analysis of the organizational side of these extra-legal entities is limited. This volume differentiates itself from many others written on the mafia by presenting a highly academic and richly documented analysis that brings the vast literature on organization theory to bear. The volume contains strong material in this tradition, offering rich theoretical and empirical insight into the role of the “visible hand” of formal organization in inducing large-scale (criminal) cooperation and supressing the “invisible hand” of markets.
Catino writes that he aspires to arouse his readers’“hunger for learning,” and he certainly provides a most satisfying meal. On the menu are richly grounded answers orbiting this question: How does the elaborate mixture of structures, rituals, rules, and codes comprising mafia organizations enable them to coordinate, cooperate, and—most importantly—keep their secrets secret? Of course, given their illegal (and sometimes violent) activities, mafia organizations must remain hidden; they cannot rely on legal remedies to resolve their disputes.
Chapter 1 introduces mafias as secret, criminal societies that produce and sell private protection, arguing that mafia organizations represent a specific type of illegal yet formal economic organization. Chapter 2 analyzes the basic architectures of these organizations, identifying two main types—clan-based and clan-based federation—that mafias, buffeted by both endogenous forces (e.g., internal conflict) and exogenous forces (e.g., authorities’ scrutiny), shift between. In chapter 3 Catino elaborates on these basic architectures, which reflect a mixture of clan and feudal hierarchy forms. Examining the organization of violence, chapter 4 illustrates how higher-level coordination structures that characterize clan-based federations mitigate competition and conflict between individual clans, limiting violence between them, and facilitate development of clan-wide strategies, creating opportunities for cooperation between them. The focus of chapter 5 is the organizational rituals, rules, and codes of conduct that serve, in place of legal authorities, to settle disputes and facilitate the coordination and cooperation among members required to secure both their economic interests and the secrecy necessary to preserve them. Lastly, chapter 6 examines several fundamental organizational dilemmas that mafia organizations face. When they increase the scale and scope of their economies, for example, mafia organizations may put their security and privacy at risk. Similarly, while some violence is necessary to resolve conflicts and maintain reputation, too much violence can increase visibility and draw (unwanted) attention from legal authorities. And while recruitment based on “blood ties” fosters secrecy and trust, it can also limit available operational resources and skills.
Each chapter is strongly tied to contemporary theories of organization, among them neoinstitutional and resource dependence theories, transaction cost economics, and behavioral theory of the firm. The theoretical analysis is reinforced with detailed and richly documented information covering mafia organizational features including career systems (recruitment, selection, and initiation) and compensation, division of labor and organizational roles, command and control systems, and even homicides. The material is assembled from diverse sources, often drawing on (colorful) court testimony from collaborative witnesses (much of it original translation). Each chapter also presents in-depth comparative analysis of seven mafia organizations: the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, Camorra, and ‘Ndrangheta (all three from Italy); American Cosa Nostra; Japanese Yakuza (somewhat surprisingly, a legal entity); Hong Kong Triad; and Russian Mafia. And as Catino’s analysis lucidly illustrates, despite originating in different places, cultures, and times, these mafias are characterized by the adoption of similar organizational solutions to common challenges.
Most interesting among the elements of Catino’s analysis are the colorful organizational sagas described in chapter 2 that serve as Robin Hood–like ancestral origin myths for each group. One example is the story of the three Spanish knights—Osso, Mastrosso, and Carcagnosso—who, wanted for killing a man who had offended one of their sisters, fled in 1412 to the Italian island of Favignana. There, they spent 29 years, 11 months, and 29 days conceiving the mafia rules and codes, after which they traveled to Sicily, Calabria, and Campaniato to found, respectively, the Cosa Nostra, ‘Ndrangheta, and Camorra. Another story introduces the eleventh-century Beati Paoli, to whom the American Cosa Nostra attribute their (and their Sicilian counterparts’) ancestral origins. This group of brave and skilled men resembled an order of knights fighting for the poor and the commoners against invading foreign rulers of Sicily.
Equally interesting is the analysis of complex initiation rituals, or baptisms, through which the Mafiosi are recruited. These elaborate rituals mark not only entry into a new and secret world but also abandonment of their old world and the impossibility of leaving. Blood plays a focal role. For example, initiation to the Hong Kong Triad involves members and recruits mixing their blood and, after having sipped the mixture, becoming blood brothers and organizational members for life; only death terminates membership. Swearing of oaths is also common. Triad recruits must swear the “36 oaths of the society,” which includes pledging to uphold organizational commitments of brotherhood and mutual aid, secrecy, nonviolence toward other organizational members, and respectfulness of organizational members’ wives, sisters, and daughters. Historically, such initiations were day-long ceremonies, involving many organizational members, numerous ceremonial objects (e.g., swords, flags, and rosaries), and an altar where the ceremony would take place. More recently, for security reasons, initiations have become simpler, smaller, and less elaborate.
The organization of violence, which is the topic of chapter 4 (featuring headings such as “ordinary murders” and “high-profile assassinations”), is also fascinating. Theorizing the organizational architecture of murder and assassination may be disconcerting, but it makes for interesting reading. Catino predicts—and detailed homicide statistics confirm—that the higher-level coordination structures of clan-based federations mitigate competition and conflict and facilitate cooperation between individual clans, limiting violence between them and thus reducing homicides. Yet these coordination structures also facilitate the development of clan-wide strategies in response to existential external threats and result in greater violence, such as high-profile killings of people associated with the threatening institutions (e.g., judges, law enforcement agents, politicians, and journalists).
For the reader, keeping track of the terminology for organizational units, roles, and ranks used by the various mafias is challenging. Take, for example, the ‘Ndrangheta, which is composed of multiple locale (or società) each led by a caplocale (local boss) who is assisted by a contabile (bookkeeper), crimine (illegal activities organizer), and maestro di giornata (day master). Each locale is in turn composed of several ‘ndrina each led by a capondrina (‘ndrina boss) who is supported by an infantry of picciotti d’onore (men of honor), commorista (apprentices), and sgarristta (lawbreakers). Each member also has a rank or doti (quality or gift). Entry-level ranks include santista (for criminal merit) and vangelo (for having sworn the oath of allegiance); senior ranks include, from lower to higher, tre quartino, quartino, and padrino. Without keeping notes, I found it difficult to keep track of and fully comprehend the often subtle differences in the structures, roles, and ranks of the seven mafia organizations analyzed.
Those eager for a technical, theory-driven approach to studying mafia organizations will definitely find this book interesting and enjoyable. For those interested in a more sensational treatment of mafia organizations, however, I would suggest looking elsewhere.
1. What Type of Organisations are Mafias?
2. Organizational Architecture
3. Organizational Orders
4. Organizational Orders and the Use of Violence
5. Mafia Rules
6. Mafia Organizational Dilemmas
9781108476119
Purchased Professional Book Centre,Ernakulam
Mafia.
Organizational sociology.
Organized crime.
Criminal offenses.
Catino, Maurizio.
364.106 / CAT/MA
MAFIA ORGANIZATIONS : The Visible hand of Criminal Enterprise - 1 - New York Cambridge University Press 2019/01/01 - 346
Mafia Organizations extends Catino’s excellent earlier work on conflict, violence, and codes of conduct in mafia organizations. Although much has been written about mafias, analysis of the organizational side of these extra-legal entities is limited. This volume differentiates itself from many others written on the mafia by presenting a highly academic and richly documented analysis that brings the vast literature on organization theory to bear. The volume contains strong material in this tradition, offering rich theoretical and empirical insight into the role of the “visible hand” of formal organization in inducing large-scale (criminal) cooperation and supressing the “invisible hand” of markets.
Catino writes that he aspires to arouse his readers’“hunger for learning,” and he certainly provides a most satisfying meal. On the menu are richly grounded answers orbiting this question: How does the elaborate mixture of structures, rituals, rules, and codes comprising mafia organizations enable them to coordinate, cooperate, and—most importantly—keep their secrets secret? Of course, given their illegal (and sometimes violent) activities, mafia organizations must remain hidden; they cannot rely on legal remedies to resolve their disputes.
Chapter 1 introduces mafias as secret, criminal societies that produce and sell private protection, arguing that mafia organizations represent a specific type of illegal yet formal economic organization. Chapter 2 analyzes the basic architectures of these organizations, identifying two main types—clan-based and clan-based federation—that mafias, buffeted by both endogenous forces (e.g., internal conflict) and exogenous forces (e.g., authorities’ scrutiny), shift between. In chapter 3 Catino elaborates on these basic architectures, which reflect a mixture of clan and feudal hierarchy forms. Examining the organization of violence, chapter 4 illustrates how higher-level coordination structures that characterize clan-based federations mitigate competition and conflict between individual clans, limiting violence between them, and facilitate development of clan-wide strategies, creating opportunities for cooperation between them. The focus of chapter 5 is the organizational rituals, rules, and codes of conduct that serve, in place of legal authorities, to settle disputes and facilitate the coordination and cooperation among members required to secure both their economic interests and the secrecy necessary to preserve them. Lastly, chapter 6 examines several fundamental organizational dilemmas that mafia organizations face. When they increase the scale and scope of their economies, for example, mafia organizations may put their security and privacy at risk. Similarly, while some violence is necessary to resolve conflicts and maintain reputation, too much violence can increase visibility and draw (unwanted) attention from legal authorities. And while recruitment based on “blood ties” fosters secrecy and trust, it can also limit available operational resources and skills.
Each chapter is strongly tied to contemporary theories of organization, among them neoinstitutional and resource dependence theories, transaction cost economics, and behavioral theory of the firm. The theoretical analysis is reinforced with detailed and richly documented information covering mafia organizational features including career systems (recruitment, selection, and initiation) and compensation, division of labor and organizational roles, command and control systems, and even homicides. The material is assembled from diverse sources, often drawing on (colorful) court testimony from collaborative witnesses (much of it original translation). Each chapter also presents in-depth comparative analysis of seven mafia organizations: the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, Camorra, and ‘Ndrangheta (all three from Italy); American Cosa Nostra; Japanese Yakuza (somewhat surprisingly, a legal entity); Hong Kong Triad; and Russian Mafia. And as Catino’s analysis lucidly illustrates, despite originating in different places, cultures, and times, these mafias are characterized by the adoption of similar organizational solutions to common challenges.
Most interesting among the elements of Catino’s analysis are the colorful organizational sagas described in chapter 2 that serve as Robin Hood–like ancestral origin myths for each group. One example is the story of the three Spanish knights—Osso, Mastrosso, and Carcagnosso—who, wanted for killing a man who had offended one of their sisters, fled in 1412 to the Italian island of Favignana. There, they spent 29 years, 11 months, and 29 days conceiving the mafia rules and codes, after which they traveled to Sicily, Calabria, and Campaniato to found, respectively, the Cosa Nostra, ‘Ndrangheta, and Camorra. Another story introduces the eleventh-century Beati Paoli, to whom the American Cosa Nostra attribute their (and their Sicilian counterparts’) ancestral origins. This group of brave and skilled men resembled an order of knights fighting for the poor and the commoners against invading foreign rulers of Sicily.
Equally interesting is the analysis of complex initiation rituals, or baptisms, through which the Mafiosi are recruited. These elaborate rituals mark not only entry into a new and secret world but also abandonment of their old world and the impossibility of leaving. Blood plays a focal role. For example, initiation to the Hong Kong Triad involves members and recruits mixing their blood and, after having sipped the mixture, becoming blood brothers and organizational members for life; only death terminates membership. Swearing of oaths is also common. Triad recruits must swear the “36 oaths of the society,” which includes pledging to uphold organizational commitments of brotherhood and mutual aid, secrecy, nonviolence toward other organizational members, and respectfulness of organizational members’ wives, sisters, and daughters. Historically, such initiations were day-long ceremonies, involving many organizational members, numerous ceremonial objects (e.g., swords, flags, and rosaries), and an altar where the ceremony would take place. More recently, for security reasons, initiations have become simpler, smaller, and less elaborate.
The organization of violence, which is the topic of chapter 4 (featuring headings such as “ordinary murders” and “high-profile assassinations”), is also fascinating. Theorizing the organizational architecture of murder and assassination may be disconcerting, but it makes for interesting reading. Catino predicts—and detailed homicide statistics confirm—that the higher-level coordination structures of clan-based federations mitigate competition and conflict and facilitate cooperation between individual clans, limiting violence between them and thus reducing homicides. Yet these coordination structures also facilitate the development of clan-wide strategies in response to existential external threats and result in greater violence, such as high-profile killings of people associated with the threatening institutions (e.g., judges, law enforcement agents, politicians, and journalists).
For the reader, keeping track of the terminology for organizational units, roles, and ranks used by the various mafias is challenging. Take, for example, the ‘Ndrangheta, which is composed of multiple locale (or società) each led by a caplocale (local boss) who is assisted by a contabile (bookkeeper), crimine (illegal activities organizer), and maestro di giornata (day master). Each locale is in turn composed of several ‘ndrina each led by a capondrina (‘ndrina boss) who is supported by an infantry of picciotti d’onore (men of honor), commorista (apprentices), and sgarristta (lawbreakers). Each member also has a rank or doti (quality or gift). Entry-level ranks include santista (for criminal merit) and vangelo (for having sworn the oath of allegiance); senior ranks include, from lower to higher, tre quartino, quartino, and padrino. Without keeping notes, I found it difficult to keep track of and fully comprehend the often subtle differences in the structures, roles, and ranks of the seven mafia organizations analyzed.
Those eager for a technical, theory-driven approach to studying mafia organizations will definitely find this book interesting and enjoyable. For those interested in a more sensational treatment of mafia organizations, however, I would suggest looking elsewhere.
1. What Type of Organisations are Mafias?
2. Organizational Architecture
3. Organizational Orders
4. Organizational Orders and the Use of Violence
5. Mafia Rules
6. Mafia Organizational Dilemmas
9781108476119
Purchased Professional Book Centre,Ernakulam
Mafia.
Organizational sociology.
Organized crime.
Criminal offenses.
Catino, Maurizio.
364.106 / CAT/MA